The Enigma of Nehru and the Sikhs

There is a significant quotation -full of portent - in Jawaharlal Nehru's ^"Glimpses of World History", which reads: "In one ofour old Sanskrit books there is a verse which can be translated as follows: "For the family sacrifice the individual,for the community the family, for the country the community and for the soul the whole world." [Page 2 Letters to Indira: Jan 5, 1931]. In the next letter written on January 20, 1931 at page 39, Nehru writes again: "Some days ago, I think I gave you a Sanskrit verse in one of my letters. This stated that the individual should be sacrificed for the family, the family for the community and the community for the country" (emphasis on should is mine).

Another quotation: "Urdu is a variation of Hindi. The world Hindustani is used to mean both Hindi and Urdu.Thus the principal language of India are just ten: Hindustani, Bengali, Gujarati,Marathi, Tamil, Telugu, Kanarese, Malayalam, Oriya and Assamese. Hindustani, which is our mother tongue is spoken all over Northern India - in the Punjab, United Provinces, Bihar, Central Provinces, Rajputana, Delhi and Central India. You see that already 150,000,000 speak Hindustani with minor variations. [Nehru's Glimpses of World History, page 23-24]

"Let us remember that it is Asia that has produced great leaders of thought - the great founders of the principal religions. Hinduism, the oldest of the great religions existing today, is of course the product of India. So also is its great sister-religion Buddhism, which nowspreads all over China and Japan and Burma and Tibet and Ceylon. The religion of Jews and Christianity are also Asiatic religions.Zoroastrianism, the religion of the Parsis, began in Persia, and we know that Mohammed, the prophet ofIslam, was born in Mecca in Arabia. Krishna,Buddha, Zoroaster, Christ, Mohammed and Confucius and LAO-Tse, the great philosophers of China - you could fill pages with the names of the great thinkers of Asia" [Glimpses of World History - Nehru, page 10]

Just as Punjabi is not counted as one of the languages of India, Sikhism and Guru Nanak never figured inthe mind of Nehru. Was this the community Nehru wanted to "sacrifice"for the sake of the country? His repeating the Sanskrit verse and conveying itto Indira, when she was only 13, is pregnant with significance.

It had been an enigma why Nehru - an acknowledged secularist, not only reverted to ancient Kautilyan statecraft, and went back on various promises made to the Sikhs by him and the

Curiously, the Sant Nirankari Mandalstarted by Avatar Singh to hoodwink the refugees, claiming"direct communion with the Almighty" won immediate support of thegovernment of India. It was obvious that this faction had always been itching for a clash with the Sikhs because they freely twisted Gurbani and showed disrespect to Sikh Gurus and Sikh traditions. They were provided with a large tract of land to build their colony at Delhi. Gurbachan Singh was provided diplomatic passport and Indian embassies were directed to provide special facilities to himas a religious leader.

Whereas, in 1946, Nehru had offered an area in the North where the Sikhs would feel "a glow of freedom," he became a vehement opponent of reorganising Panjab into a Punjabi state. When heset up the States Reorganisation Commission in 1955, he openly indicated his desire that the commission would "not suggest any changes in the State boundaries in the North, howsoever cogent were the reasons." Indira Gandhi has recorded in My Truth: "My father had been strongly opposed to the idea of Punjabi Suba ...." (page 117)

This anti democratic stance of Nehru was brought to my notice by a Sehajdhari Sikh in February1964. I had casually remarked that Sehajdharis are taking far too long to adopt the Keshdhari form, he said that sometimes a Sehajdhari can be of greater service to the community. He informed that he had attended earlier a meeting of Central Water and Power Commission on The in Dam. As soon as the meeting assembled, the chairman remarked that this time they could freely discuss policy "because there was no Sikh in the Panjab team." The Panjab team was informed that Nehru had taken a firm decision against the The in Dam projectin this Century. He noted that the Project Report and Blue-Print of the Bhakra Dam were ready in 1947 and he could not stall it. Now we have only to take away as much water and electricity from Punjab, and not to have more projects that would give more water, and generate more electricity, for Punjab. When one of the Punjab Engineers remarked that the Bhakra project had increased the food production and had stopped the expensive wheat imports from U.S.A., he was told that the Prime Minister had taken everything into consideration and had said that it is better for the country to import costlier wheat from U.S.A. rather than have the cheaper Punjab wheat. "Doctor Sahib, now you can understand the planning and execution of Beas­Satluj link to enable Harika to have sufficient waters to provide the large amount of water to the Rajasthan Canal. Rajasthan had no right to the water from Panjab rivers. Similarly, provision of a large chunk of electricity generated at Bhakra for the Nangal Fertilizerplant and for Delhi was to put a stop to any industrial projects in Punjab."

This servility, for their narrow personal gains, had been troubling me for 20 years when Master Tara Singh was admitted to P.G.I. for his health problem. The planned operation was a serious and risky one considering Masterji's age and his other medical problems. Masterji was fairlyclosely related to me, and hence I did my level best to dissuade him from undergoing this operation. I explained to him that his chances of survival following the operation were negligible and he could live without operation with the minor inconvenience of having a tube for passage of urine. I failed to change his decision to undergo surgery on account of his frustration and political isolation. I persuaded him to talk to me and answer some of the questions which had been vexing me. Our conversation ran thus :

K.S. : Masterji, you must have talked to Nehruji alone on several occasions. What answer did he give to you as to the reason why he and Congress went back on the promises made to Sikhs.

Masterji : Panditji said, making promises like the one he made at Calcutta in 1946, was part of his politics to confuse the Sikhs. Panditji explained that even while making such promises he was quite clea rin his own mind that he was not going to keep them.

K.S. : Did you not ask our intelligent and articulate Akali leaders like Swaran Singh, Hukam Singh and GianiKartar Singh, to meet important and well-meaning Congress leaders, like Raja gopalachari, Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Maulana Azad, asking them to bring around Panditji to honour the pledges made to the Sikhs?

Masterji : Yes, they did their best, but all of them drew blank. All the Congress leaders stated that Panditji refuses to listen. "jab koi sikhon kesaath waidon ki baat karta hai, to main apne kaan band kar laita hoon." (Ishut my ears as soon as any one speaks to me about honouring the promises given to the Sikh community).

K.S. : Why did such intelligent Akali leaders, and many more, abandon you to join Congress?

Masterji : Nehru conveyed to all his colleagues in the Congress that he would be too glad to accommodate any individual Sikh to any position recommended by them provided they accept to abide by the Congress discipline and stop talking about Panjab or Sikh grievances. The Sikh leaders like Swaran Singh, Kairon and others felt that they have done enough for the Panth and they should also get an opportunity to reap the benefits of Jhandiwali car, and the perks of being ministers.

K.S. : Hukam Singhjiwas so close to you, and was the most articulate and persuasive Akali leader who had not only been speaking frequently in the conferences and Gurdwaras about the sacrifices made by the Sikhs and the total rejection of the Sikh aspirations in the Constituent assembly. How could he even think of scuttling (Akali Dal) and joining the government?

Masterji : Hukam Singh did his level best. He met each and every important Indian leader, both in and outside the Congress. He fought the Sikh case very ably in the Constituent Assembly and the Parliament. Panditji was shrewd enough to entice and neutralize him by offering him Speakership of the Lok Sabha. Hukam Singh came and pleaded with me (Masterji) for permission to accept this offer. He said that, maybe, he would be able to bring around Nehru as he would get frequent opportunity to meet him.

K.S. : Did you not try to dissuade Hukam Singhji?

Masterji : I did my best. I explained to him that his going away would weaken the Sikh case and he (Masterji) would be left alone to fight the Sikh cause. But by that time, scores of important leaders upto second and third rank had left the Akali Dal and joined the Congress to enjoy the fruits of a crafty and corrupt regime and amass wealth. All my remonstrations were of no avail and Hukam Singh left me. This, I regarded as was my biggest personal failure.

Masterji : Again andagain, Nehru informed me that I should suspend my agitational approach. Nehru mentionedto me repeatedly that he (Nehru) had great respect for me and for all that I had done for thecountry. He even offered me the Vice-Presidentship of India, with possible Presidentship later when the time came. He also made a threat, if I continued to agitate, he (Nehru) would finish me politically. The more the Sikhs agitate, the more theywould suffer!

K.S. : What was your reaction to the stubborn attitude of Nehru and what did you convey to him in your heart to heart talk with him?

Masterji : I explained to him that I was a first generation keshdhari Sikh who had understood completely the Sikh heritage and ethos. It was in the country's interest that the Sikhs should feel equal partners in Free India and not be made to feel as second-rate citizens. I explained to Nehru that our demands were not many. I wanted him to translate into practice what he had himself promised to the Sikhs at the Calcutta Press Conference in 1946. I explained to him that we were passing through a very crucial time in our history. Whatever agreement the two of us made, would be acceptable to both Hindus and Sikhs because both o fthem enjoyed full rapport with their respective communities. Such a time may not come again when both of them would have quit the scene. I explained to him that, whereas the rest of India had been ruled by foreigners for over 1,000 years before 1947, Sikhs had been the rulers of a vast Empire from 1798 to 1849 and had mounted four determined movements against the British to push them out of Punjab and India. Taking them from the same Indian stock, the Sikh Gurus had emancipated them with a different outlook and they would continue their struggle for an honourable place with autonomous status for Punjabi state within India enjoying full internal autonomy to develop themselves to their full potential.

K.S. : When Panditji had come to an understanding with Sheikh Abdulla, and had agreed to grant complete autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, with a separate flag and a Sadar-e-Riyasat,and had accepted a separate constitution for the state drawn up by the constituent assembly of J & K, did you not ask for a similar arrangement for the Punjab?

Masterji : Yes, I thought so, and for sometime felt that now Panditji should have no difficulty in granting us a similar status. I discussed this with Nehru personally at the first available opportunity.Nehru replied that Sikhs should not be carried away, and stop harbouring any such thoughts.

He (Nehru) had not given J & K anything more than a piece of paper and soon Masterji would learn as to how this complete autonomy idea would be driven out of the mind of Sheikh Abdulla and all Kashmiris. The whole thing became clear when Sheikh was arrested. Kashmiris were equally duped. It is quite possible that Panditji abrogated the Kashmir settlement simply because he felt that Sikhs too would ask for the same. Not only this;when Tibetans fled their country in1959 and came as refugees to India, Nehru could not plead their case before the world that China should not disturb the autonomy of Tibet within China. Nehru had no option but to keep his mouth shut and dared not request Chinese to rehabilitate the Dalai Lama and Tibet and let them live in Tibet.

K.S. : What is the biggest weakness of the Sikhs today?

Masterji : The biggest weakness of the Panth is the Congressite Sikhs, the Fifth Column. The Centre would keep on using them against the Panthic interests. Not only this, every Congressmen is running after black money. All elections are fought with black money. This moral degeneration of Congressite Sikhs is having bad influence on Akalis. The first and foremost task before the Panth today is to get the Sikhs out of the Congress. If we do not do this, any Delhi Sarkar would use them to destroy the Panth and Panthic values. Fifty to seventy years ago all the Sikhs who had come forward to join the Gurdwara Reform Movement, the Singh Sabhas, Khalsa Diwans were all self-sacrificing. Most of us who were in Khalsa school and colleges were working with missionary zeal, with very little salaries, and man yof us would return a major portion of our meagre salary to the Panth. Nobody could even think of using Gurdwara funds for personal use.

K.S. : What is your advice to the community?

Masterji : Let the Akalis revive the self-sacrificing moral values of the Panth and prevail upon all erstwhile Akalis who are not in the Congress to come back and work unitedly for the Charhdi Kala of the Panth. Let the Sikh students Federation work with much greater zeal in the schools and collages to bring up a new generation of Amritdhari Sikhs who are proud of their Khalsa traditions. Let the Federation work among the poor and those coming from the so-called lower castes. The latter would strengthen the Panth. This is according to the values of Guru Nanak and all Gurus. The vast majority of Sikhs who took Pahuland became Amritdhari Khalsain 1699 were from the so-called lowers castes. Maybe, our ignoring them is thec ause of our present day downfall.

K.S. : What, in your opinion, was the worst political mistake of your life?

Masterji : In permitting Akalis to join the Congress party en masse. This was a suicidal act. I realised my mistake and gave a call for the Akalis to leave the Congress and revive the Akali party politically once again. It was too late. Hardly any one left the Congress. Lure of money and political power kept them back.

Looking back now, I cannot escape the obvious conclusion that Nehru had decided about the political and economic liquidation of the Sikhs as a State policy at least 20 years before Independence. He convinced his inner cabinet - and Indira Gandhi - to pursue the same after him. Indira Gandhi had planned Operation Bluestar as an attempt to deal a grievous blow to the community. In attacking the Darbar Sahib and forty other historic shrines she was expecting a strong reaction by the Sikhs of Punjab. She expected the Sikhs to react and indulge in large-scale killing of Hindus in the Punjab. She was prepared then to finish off the Sikhs all over the country. In Punjab the army would have done the job, and the civilian population outside Punjab.

The November 1984 type killing of Sikhs had been planned by her, but Sikhs did not oblige her by killing innocent Hindus in June 1984. After Indira Gandhi's assassination,Rajiv Gandhi followed suit. This is the logical explanation as to why Rajiv Gandhi and, after him Narasimha Rao, did not take any action against the killers of November 1984 because they had done only what was expected from them. Although the Akali Dal was a partner in the Janata Government headed by Morarji Desai, they could not get even a minor concession, such as increase in the procurement price of wheat. During the total period of Janata Rule, Morarji agreed to a niggardy increase of Rs 3 per quintalas a face-saving for Union Agriculture Minister Barnala. Rajiv Gandhi and Narasimha Rao followed the same policy.

Why did Nehru embark on this anti-Sikh course? In his autobiography, Nehru traces his ancestory from Raj Kaul who was granted a Jagir on the bank of Canal (Nehar) at Delhiin 1716 by the Mughal King, Farrukh Saiyer. Nehru has written that, on a visitto Kashmir, the Mughal King was impressed by Raj Kaul who was a great scholar of Persian and Sanskrit, and he brought him along with him and gave him the Jagir so that he couldstay at Delhi permanently. Maybe we can learn more if we explore the antecedents of Raj Kaul. According to two historians (Personal Communication), Farrukh Saiyer did not visit Kashmir during his short turbulent reign. It was during his regime that Banda Bahadur was killed in Delhialong with 760 of his followers in 1715. Earlier, in 1704, the two younger sons of Guru Gobind Singhji were handed over to the Subedar of Morinda by Gangu Brahmin who had been a cook in the Guru household and was escorting the children along with their grandmother, Mata Gujri. The Nawab of Sirhind had the Sahibzadas, 7 and 9 years old, bricked alive at Fatehgarh Sahib. One hypothesis connects Raj Kaul being Gangu Brahmin's son. When they left Anandpur, Mata Gujri was carrying the Guru's gold. On learning the same, the Subedar of Morinda managed to eliminate Gangu to take over the treasure. After the King's victory over Banda Bahadur, who had earlier killed the Nawab of Sirhind, Raj Kaul probably approached the Mughal King and related his tale of woe that his father had done a great service to Delhi throne by handing over the Gurus' sons to the Mughals and instead of being rewarded had been killed. In that mood of elation following killing of Banda Bahadur, Farrukh Saiyer granted this Jagir to Raj Kaul in lieu of services of Gangu. But let this theory be researched.