SEARCHING THE WAY FORWARD
What then is the way forward? The justice route is deeply tainted and even if Sajjan Kumar is given some sort of punishment at this late stage, it is not likely to assuage the Sikh hurt or to restore Sikh confidence in the efficacy of the Indian judiciary and judicial processes - at least for the subject events.
Forgiving can come easily to Sikhs if they sense that it would possibly encourage some move in the direction of abiding societal changes. That does not seem to be the case here for apart from the apology by the PM, there is little evidence that the attitudes towards the Sikhs have changed. In the recent unpleasant and unfortunate controversy involving retired General V K Singh, the Sikhs were again unabashedly brought in by a powerful group of retired officers in their plea filed in favor of V K Singh in the Supreme Court trying to imply, none too subtly, a conspiracy involving PM, General JJ SINGH and SGPC to install a Sikh as the next COAS. The internet was abuzz with malicious and unrestrained Sikh bashing. This type of organized spreading of disinformation cannot be ignored because riots do not seem difficult to trigger in India - witness the speed and sudden-ness of the July 2012 Bodo-Muslim riots in Assam that resulted in over 80 deaths and lakhs seeking safety of relief camps.
To not forget the memories of the pogrom by the Sikhs is a moral burden that the Sikhs have to carry unless they see some encouraging outcomes in the delivery of justice or the evidence that the future unfolds gives confidence that the mainstream has moved from its urges for assimilation of or domination over the Sikh minority and there is a sense of acceptance of the past wrong-doings against Sikhs by the Congress party in particular. Otherwise the call made for forgetting will continue to be a non starter.
What do we then do? How can we bring some sort of sense of healing to this long running sore? There must be a way forward. May be we could first try to figure out what it is that we are trying to bring healing to - is it just the 84 Pogrom or is it the 1984 events or is it the Sikh issues post independence of India or all the above through the prism of the experience of 84 pogrom and after? To me the last option makes more sense. Let us proceed.
The partition effect
Many Sikh who have lived through the 1947 and 1984 [Punjab & Delhi] episodes tend to see these as a sort of continuum. These events have a historical link and it would be instructive to understand the nature of issues that may have percolated from one to the next so that it helps our search for the future course of action.
The 1947 division itself was the cumulative outcome of the persistent mistrust between Sikhs and Hindus on one side and Muslims on the other. A collateral effect of the partition seems to have been to free Sikhs from the haunting historical memories of being hunted by the Muslim rulers, thus reducing their underlying sense of hostility against the Muslims. This has helped the Sikh interface with the Indian Muslims to turn into a neutral mode. Significantly while the Sikh relations with Muslims have become less tense after the partition, their strong traditional kinship with the Hindus has suffered a setback - leaving its imprint on Sikh orientation.
The problems of healing and closure of 1947 if they persist are limited to where the families were divided. I have not come across any study on the subject though the theme has figured in some novels and movies. Separation trauma experienced by Sikhs and Hindus was more about the fracturing of support system built around village societies, biradaries and extended families. The displaced on either side had to face problems of resettlement in new places with little welcoming support by the locals. They had to rebuild their lives and their social support systems anew and in difficult circumstances but they did not feel as if they had been target of the ire of the mainstream of societies they sought refuge in.
The religious problems arising out of the division affected all three communities - Sikhs more than the other two because several of their holy sites including the birth place of Guru Nanak were left in Pakistan. This has been a source of considerable anguish to the Sikhs but with an active and growing Diaspora and their ease of access to visas, the Sikh shrines in Pakistan are not seen as remote as they once were. The cultural legacy of the divide that suffered a severe setback initially seems now turning into a bond in a nostalgic turnaround sweeping Punjabi communities almost globally. In a nutshell, the lingering problems of the partition are more in the realm of regional politics among South Asian countries.
Punjab casting shadow
The linkage between 1984 Punjab happenings and the Delhi pogrom is stronger. The effect of the Sikh agitation preceding 84 was intended to be felt in the power corridors of New Delhi and it did. The Central Government responded very strongly to the Akali attempt to agitate in Delhi during the 1982 Asian Games. I & B Ministry also launched a persistent anti-Sikh slant in the state controlled radio and TV and the PTI news releases. The Akali Dal Anadpur Sahib Resolution was labeled as separatist and anti national. The Punjab situation continued to worsen and the Central Government launched a military assault labeled Operation Bluestar at major Gurdwaras across the State, including the Golden Temple Complex at Amritsar. Akal Takht was destroyed, Bhindrawale and his associates neutralized and hundreds of assembled worshippers killed. Sikhs were stunned. Resentment ran deep. A few months later two of the Sikh security staff of Indira Gandhi shot and killed her. As if to a cue, thousands of Sikh men were brutally killed in Delhi in highly organized and coordinated attacks led by the Congress leaders with the Police idly standing by. Though the existence of a continuum is evident, we would caution against the reading of a cause and effect relation as being too simplistic, given the complexities of high stake politics involved.
Evidently what happens in Punjab casts a shadow on Sikhs elsewhere in India. The pogrom brought home to Sikhs outside Punjab that they can easily be held hostage in any high stake political gamesmanship that may develop between Akalis in Punjab and Central Government. Visible identity would further compound the Sikh vulnerability for selective targeting. Given these realities, though apparently not realized by the Sikhs, it would have been clear to the political strategists that an attack on Delhi Sikhs in the full glare of media, had no chance of failing to achieve the type of political gain that Congress leadership would have wanted and did reap in the elections held a couple of months later in December 84.
Creating safe havens
Any choice of strategies for future must consider the question of possibility of Sikhs outside of Punjab being again subjected to such hostage treatment. Tensions between the Centre and Punjab can arise in future and if those tensions are rooted in issues that affect Sikhs or Sikhi then it could happen that Sikhs out of Punjab support the positions taken by Punjab State or by Sikh leadership. In that scenario, what can Sikhs do to avoid a repeat of Nov. 1984?
Creative answers to the above vulnerabilities must be found. Sikhs outside of Punjab do see Punjab as a potential safe haven in the event of a repeat of 1984 type pogrom but migration of the type that Sikhs undertook in 1947 to buy freedom from the anxieties of likely oppression by a Muslim majority should be absolutely ruled out. We have to recognize that we are and will continue to live as a minority in India and the rest of the world. Creating a secure space for ourselves is our need and we have to work for it individually and collectively in local communities. While some preparedness to defend against any intruders could be of help, this objective is likely to be more effectively accomplished by nurturing local relationships within the local community and close neighborhoods.
As mentioned earlier, a telling example is that Sikligar Sikhs who were resident in a host of villages around Delhi survived while Sikligars settled in Delhi resettlement colonies suffered the worst fate. The Sikligars in villages had developed a relationship of reciprocity with local land owning class of Tyagis and received in return, their safety and well being.
In my travels and life abroad I have run into examples of lone Sikhs living well adjusted and productive lives in fairly remote settings. In 1982 while a visiting Professor to the Institute of Economics, Zagreb, I one day saw another Sikh at lunch at the other end of the largish dining room at the hotel. He had almost strayed into those parts in early 50's, had a Serbian wife and still maintained his Sikh bana. Again in 1989, I was asked by one of the business associates of my client in Rhinelander, Wisconsin, if I knew Dr Singh. Sure enough the good doctor was almost my younger look alike, living with his young Sikh family with no other Sikh resident anywhere in the county.
The real remedy is not to be isolated when in isolation. Sikhs do revel at it but curiously their problems multiply when their numbers increase. T Sher Singh recently wrote: 'I was in Texas a few months ago. Sikhs living in the remotest of communities rule the roost. And are solid Sikhs, living in the full glory of the faith and doing extraordinary things for the community at large. Similarly, they always fare well in isolation, no matter where they are. It brings the best out of them.'1
Is enough being done or can we do more
My sense is that Sikhs vaguely realize this compulsion though what they are doing about it is not clear. In India, while I do find the Sikhs to be more socially engaged, yet I am not sure if the level of empathy for them has increased. Reciprocal relationships are not easy to develop in many settings. Our endeavor also has to be that non Sikhs have some understanding of the Sikh issues and the reasons why Sikhs want these redressed. Further, when issues affecting Sikhs come up for debate in the media, our representations should not seem unprepared and defensive - leaving lingering doubts about our purposes and expectations in a highly vibrant, competitive and potentially divisive society.
The killing of six Sikhs at Oak Creek Gurdwara, in Wisconsin, on 5 August, 2012 by a white male again raised alarms about the risks that the Sikhs continue to face in the US. The crime is being investigated by the FBI though there are concerns that the likely linkage of the killer to hate groups among the Christian right may get buried in the electoral vote bank politics of the presidential campaign. Some lessons seem to be emerging from this happening - one that while Sikhs may have built relationships with their neighbors in the Diaspora that may not be true for their Gurdwaras. Another that there is possibly an undercurrent of hatred or suspicion about Sikhs in lay minds2 and lastly that while the dignified stance of the congregation and the Sikh community has been lauded, the protests in India have been characterized by the intemperance that has always made Sikh causes to suffer. The proof is visible in photograph of swords drawn protestors from National Akali Dal with provocative anti American placards accompanying a news item in Times of India, Delhi, p. 10, August 7, 2012.3
An unintended effect of the Delhi pogrom seems to have been that Delhi Sikhs and DSGMC have come to occupy a greater voice in Sikh affairs. Another manifestation of this attitude is the diminished centrality of Punjab politics, Akali political maneuverings and even the affairs of the SGPC and Akal Takht in Delhi and among the dispersed Sikh community elsewhere. This direction of change may not easily get reversed but potentially it could be beneficial to Sikhs in Delhi and elsewhere out of Punjab. In the long run however it may weaken structure of the Sikh religious authority so assiduously cultivated by the SGPC over the years.
Engaging other faiths
The initial aim of interfaith engagement was to attempt to create, by informed discussion, a level of understanding on highly divisive scriptural positions and historical animosities between warring faith groups. In most dialogue exchanges, the more accepted view now is that while inter-cultural dialogue may be helpful, theological dialogue is practically impossible and may not even be desirable. The few Indian interfaith meets that I have attended are mostly caught up in either bonhomie or superficial exchanges on theological similarities. The process seems to be evolving and representation of Sikhs is mostly by the educated class or similarly placed people who may have limited reach to influence higher ups in religious authority hierarchy.
Interfaith engagement today also is being used, especially in the west, to facilitate some level of interaction and coming together of diverse faith groups to address current and imminent areas of societal concern. These networks also help the leaderships in different faith groups develop relationships that can be helpful in diffusing difficult situations. Some even suggest that to dispel ignorance most productive approach may be to expedite global public efforts of inter-religious engagements within and among our neighbors.4 The suggestion would be helpful to some extent because firstly not all can easily engage in or be persuaded to engage in interfaith conversations. The ability to broaden the reach beyond activists and a group of interested persons is also constrained.
Even a limited reflection would point to our need for dialogue with Muslims and Hindus. At a practical level, Sikhs have effectively benefited by lobbying jointly with the Muslims in the US. Sikhs living in most of the Muslim countries including Pakistan do not feel insecure about their safety of person or property and have in most locations been left alone to worship their way. There have been difficulties no doubt with restrictions on non-Muslim worship in some Muslim countries, the Taliban and occasional undercurrents of below the surface tensions between the communities in some places, but in the overall Sikh-Muslim interface in recent past has been relatively free of rancor.
Muslims, in the post 1947 India, are no longer a silently suffering, diffident group of people trying to live down the stigma of separatism. Though they are mostly poor, their large and growing population gives them tremendous political leverage. Sikh relations with Muslims in India however have been sort of tentative. I do not recall any occasion when Sikhs may have gone out on a limb to defend Muslims against stereotyping in India. The Muslim voices too have been faint when Sikhs were victims.
I was invited to the 4-day Global Minorities Meet at the Parliament House Annexe, Delhi, organized by a group of Muslim activist organizations in early 2008. They did not invite any Hindu delegate, though Muslim leaders from Islamic countries were aplenty. Their clout was quite visible with Central Cabinet Ministers hosting dinners every evening and Hamid Ansari the Vice president, inviting all to a Garden party. Discussions were open but the communiqué issued soft pedaled Sikh issue of justice for 84 pogroms even though DSGMC had made a substantial contribution to the meet. My personal view is that public demonstration of Sikhs joining hands with Muslims, would be a high risk strategy in the West.
Considering that we are small in numbers, divided, not well organized, short on volunteers and do not have deep pockets or strong political lobby, we need to find ways to leverage our influence. The Diaspora model of a coalition of similarly affected minority groups coming together does not seem to be likely here. The moral voices also do not seem strong enough to effectively counter inflammatory rhetoric and frenzy that often unleashes trials by innuendo or waves of hate campaigns in the media. In such an environment, my sense is that we may yet get more support from segments of Hindus. Indian Muslims may turn supportive if they feel more self assured about themselves and [may be] about us too.
BRINGING CLOSURE
Sikhs appear to be more buoyant than they have been in a long time in India. Sikh institutions are multiplying and doing some excellent work. The societal prejudice against them that was widely experienced earlier even by the most liberal Sikhs is at its lowest. The victims and families of 84 pogrom do remember their grim sufferings but their clear priority is to get out of grinding poverty and despondency subsuming their lives. To the Sikh intelligentsia, 1984 events seem a distraction - so have the need for political identity; though they continue to be concerned about Sikh religious identity issues.
On the other hand the influential western Sikh Diaspora would like that we receive justice, an expression of contrition, security for religion, language and culture along with some regional autonomy in a federal setting. Even though there would seem to be some divergence between the memory play and expectations in the Sikh Diaspora and Indian Sikhs, the fact is that the positions are evolving on all sides.
We have discussed at some length the questions relating to pursuit of justice, suggestions to forgive and forget the event and the variety of other factors that may have relevance in the process of making choices. We also argued that the trauma of 84 pogroms impacted all Sikhs though those who suffered loss of life and property constitute the core that have endured the most and have also set some markers that deserve recognition.
At the same time, the event, its memory and the poignancy of relevance of this trauma in our future positioning is receding in our own minds. This is so because the grinding lethargy and obstructive moves by the official machinery have reduced the process to a static position with little movement on unresolved issues, not much spoken about what may have been achieved and no effort by us to showcase any positives that the tragic event or its grueling aftermath may have given rise to.
Looking for and bringing out some positives from this sad and long story would help us as a community to possibly impart some added healing to the long suffering victims. We remain cognizant that it may not be possible to find a way that meets the urges and expectations of each one of us. In cases of injustice or grim tragedy it is hard enough for families and friends to look for the good - the notion seems far more outlandish and difficult when it is sought for communities.
In any case my sense is that there is a possibility that while Sikhs continue with the ongoing pursuit of justice and rehabilitation of the affected families, we may gain by highlighting the positives that we may find and agree to bring to public attention in a concerted and thoughtful manner. For this it may be instructive to draw upon the Sikh experience in the past in coping with trauma and see if that could help in our present search.
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Notes:
1 T. SHER SINGH, The Numbers Game: It's Not Our Racket, August 2, 2012, sikhchic.com
2 Even though Sikhs are well recognized in Canada - their three largest centers outside India are Vancouver, Mississauga- Brampton and London, England, they do struggle with an undefined suspicion. A 2009 Angus Reid poll of more than 1,000 Canadians showed that 53 per cent were positive of Judaism, 57 per cent for Buddhism and 72 per cent of Christianity. Islam was viewed favorably by 28% and Sikhism by 30% - almost clubbed together. Section: http://blogs.vancouversun.com/category/staff/life/spirituality/the-search/The Search Largest Sikh community in North America struggles with suspicion. August 7, 2012
3 Also see my op-ed in the Patriot News, Harrisburg, PA, 7 August, 2012 , concluding that Sikhs need help of the media to remove misconceptions arising out of prejudice and mistaken identity promoted by the stereotype post Sep. 11. A report based on interviews with me, Jewish and Ahmediya leaders in the same issue mentions the extent of attention that Jews pay to security issues when they plan events at Synagogues. For details see: http://www.pennlive.com/editorials/index.ssf/2012/08/sikhs_need_help_to_avoid_misco.html.
In another 08/11/2012 Article by Byron Williams, Oakland Tribune, says: -- there was a certain je ne sais quoi that was missing. I can't help wondering whether there was a subliminal "othering" associated with the Sikh community. Did it require the irrationality of hatred put into action for the country to realize that since 9/11, Sikhs have been scapegoats for the ignorant? In our post 9/11 world, Sikhs have been victims of increasing number of hate crimes, school bullying and workplace discrimination --- pejoratives -- that include: "raghead," "Taliban," "terrorist," and "al-Qaida." http://www.contracostatimes.com/portlet/article/html/render_gallery. jsp?articleId=21284190&siteId=571&startImage=1
4 Dr Harbans Lal in his comment mailed to me and posted on Sikh forums relating to my op-ed cited above.